November
9, 2000
California Congressional
races - 6 win - 6 lose.
By Patrick Osio, Jr.
The Presidential campaign of
2000 is one for the history books. For sure 50
per cent of the people are happy with the
results, and 50 per cent are not. But no longer
will anyone be able to say, "my vote doesn't
count." An expression and affirmation widely
said and hopefully acknowledged by the young
people in our nation.
This commentary will address
the California Congressional Districts and those
elections.
The Census Bureaus' 1999
estimated California population is 43,604,737
broken down:
26,306,164 Non-Hispanic
white - 60%
10,459,616 Hispanic - 24%
4,038,309 Asian &
Pacific Islander - 9.3%
2,487,006 Black
313,642
American Indian & Alaska Native - .07%
Since 1990, the non-Hispanic
white population has grown by 8.4%; the Hispanic
population by 35.8%; the Asian and Pacific
Islander by 36.8%; the Black population by 7.7%;
and the American Indian and Alaska Native by 9.4%.
California has 52
Congressional Districts. The November 7, 2000
elections just concluded Hispanics picked up one
new seat to bring the total California
Congressional Hispanic representatives to 6 seats
or 11.5% of the total. Yet Hispanics represent 24%
of the total population.
Clearly population gains has
not related to political gains. Part of the
problem is that high population is not indicative
of the number of citizens eligible to vote. So
that in some regions showing high Latino
population numbers do not take into account the
actual of citizens eligible to vote.
Another missing link is the
age factor. Total population figures do not
indicate the under 18 years of age ineligible
voters.
But the worse part has been
the low percentages of registered voters, and the
low turn out on Election Day by those registered
to vote. Gains have been made in the last couple
of years, and successful registration campaigns
are proving successful, but Latinos still lag far
behind in both registration and voting.
Conventional thinking has
been that Blacks turn out to vote in small
numbers, but this is not so. Their turn out rate
is slightly below those of non-Hispanic whites.
It is the Latinos and Asians who are the lowest
even where they are dominant in population.
Though Asians are the lowest in numbers.
In some areas in California
another factor diminishing greater Latino
representation is the voter turn out by non-Latinos.
For instance in San Francisco Gays voter turnout
is nearly 100 per cent, so they're voting numbers
can double the voting population of other
minority groups.
So it is not uncommon that
in predominant Latino population Congressional
Districts a relatively small non-Latino or even
Gay population can be the dominant political
force.
Another force is the fierce
loyalty to the Democratic Party by a majority of
Latinos. This prevents challenging Democrat
incumbent Congress representatives in a district
even when the Latino voting population could
easily displace the incumbent. In such cases,
Latinos seem to be satisfied to wait for the
incumbent to retire before seeking the open seat.
And when a Latino does challenge a Democrat
incumbent the community turns against the
challenger even if he/she is a qualified Democrat.
In District 11 (mid state) a
Latino Republican, Tom Santos, challenged the
incumbent Democrat and took a drubbing - 58% to
38%. The District is 48 per cent Democrat, and 41
per cent Republican. The Latino population is 21
per cent, but only 13 per cent are registered
voters. Santos' losing margin illustrates lack of
support by his fellow Latinos.
District 12 (San Francisco
Peninsula) is 54% Democrat and 27% Republican.
Here the minority population is 44 per cent with
Latinos being 14 per cent, but only 9 per cent
registered. Here another Republican Latino faced
an incumbent Democrat and took an even worse
beating than Santos - 74% to 21%.
District 20 was
reapportioned by the court to gather as many
Latinos as possible, resulting in a 55 per cent
Latino population in the District. Latinos and
other minorities make up 67 per cent of the
Districts population. Republican Rick Rodriguez
challenged Democrat incumbent Cal Dooley and was
beaten 53% to 45%. This District demonstrates how
the majority Latino population will not challenge
an incumbent Democrat, and will not support a
Latino from another party who does. Additionally,
Latino registration is 34%, which is higher than
in many other Districts, but not what it can be.
However, will it make any difference unless
Latino Democrats challenge their party's
incumbent?
District 21 is 39% Democrat
and 49% Republican so it seems that it was OK for
a Latino Democrat, Pete Martinez, to challenge
the Republican incumbent, William Thomas, only to
take a major beating - 72% to 25%. The District
is made up of San Luis Obispo and Santa Barbara
counties staunchly conservative Republicans.
District 30 made up of
downtown Los Angeles and surrounding areas has a
Latino population of more than 61 per cent, and
an overall minority population of 85 per cent.
Democrats number 61% and Republicans 22%. Even
though Latinos make up only 34% of registered
voters, it would be difficult to not have a
Latino elected from here. So Xavier Becera, a
well-qualified Latino Democrat took on Republican
Tony Goss and gave him a major drubbing - 83% to
12%.
District 31 was an easy win
for Latina, Hilda Solis. She ran unopposed for
the open seat left vacant by another Latino,
Matthew Martinez. The District is heavily
Democrat 58% to 27% Republican. The Latino
population is 58 per cent, but with a significant
(and growing) Latino voter registration of 41%.
The District covers the San Gabriel Valley,
Alhambra, Monterey Park, El Monte and Azusa.
District 33 is 66% Democrat
and 18% Republican with a Latino population of 84
per cent, and voter registration of 48%. While
registration may seem high, it is not when
compared to the Latino population, but this is
one of those areas where it is believed there
live a large segment of Latino non-citizens. Here
Lucille Roybal-Allard the incumbent Democrat
dished out another sound beating to Republican
Wayne Miller - 85% to 11%.
District 34 is another heavy
Latino District with a population of 60 per cent,
but a voter registration of 45%. Here two Latinos
fought it out. Incumbent Democrat Grace
Napolitano versus Republican Robert Canales.
Napolitano won with a sizable margin -71% to 23%.
District 41 is a Republican
stronghold even though betters than one third of
its population is Latino, but only 26% are
registered. Republicans out number Democrats 48%
to 39%. Here Latino Democrat Rodolfo Favila took
on Republican incumbent, Gary Miller losing to
him 59% to 38%.
District 42 with a 51%
Democrats to 37% Republican registration has been
a safe haven for the Democratic part for some
time. The incumbent George Brown died on July 15,
1999, opening the door for a Latino to win the
nomination. Joe Baca did just that, and faced
Republican Eli Pirozzi beating him 60% to 35%.
Republicans heavily contest the District. Latinos
make up 34% of the population with less than 25%
of them registered. It is to the credit of Joe
Baca that he was able to win this fiercely
contested seat.
District 46 a one-time
conservative Republican enclave turned to Loretta
Sanchez when the Democrats took over as the
majority. Now the District is 46% Democrat to 40%
Republican. Latinos make up 50 per cent of the 64
per cent minority population. Sanchez won
national fame when she took on staunch ultra-conservative,
Bob Dornan, who many though was unbeatable. When
Sanchez won, Dornan challenged the results with
accusations of vote fraud. After nearly two years
of congressional investigation the findings did
not change the results. She defeated Dornan in
his attempt to win back his old seat. Now Sanchez
seems to be well entrenched and her latest
victory demonstrates. She beat Republican Gloria
Tuchman 59% to 36%.
Thus Latinos in California
wind up with 6 Congressional seats, one more than
before, but still 6 loses is too many.
It seems that efforts to
convince Latino non-citizens to become citizens,
when qualified, voter registration campaigns and
get out the vote are beginning to bear fruit. But
must continue with renewed vigor.
What may also be needed, is
to lose the fear of waiting for same party long
entrenched incumbents to retire (or die) before
mounting a challenge.
It may also be effective
that when Latino Republicans run against a well-entrenched
non-Latino incumbent, more support should be
given that candidate.
Two things could happen: 1. With the support
of other Latinos the challenger could win. If so,
a Latino has the office, and the door is open for
an opposition party Latino to challenge in the
next election. 2. The challenger can lose in
which case the incumbent is still in office. If
the challenger has garnered sufficient votes to
make the race close, it will provide a reading of
where the Latino political power stands, and a
new respect for the political muscle of the
Latino community will be won.
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